China's energy sector is under pressure to achieve secure and affordable supply and a clear decarbonisation path. We examine the longitudinal trajectory of the Chinese electricity supply security and model the near future supply security based on the 12th 5 Year Plan. Our approach combines the Shannon–Wiener, Herfindahl–Hirschman and electricity import dependence indices for supply security appraisal. We find that electricity portfolio innovation allows China to provide secure energy supply despite increasing import dependence.
The effect of Chinese outward investment (COI) on host country corruption levels, government accountability, and transparency has been a topic of considerable interest among activists and scholars as well as businesspeople and policymakers who fret Chinese malfeasance is putting their firms at a competitive disadvantage. For various reasons, concern is well warranted. On top of this, there are a number of conceptual reasons to be concerned about the link between COI and corruption levels. There is not an open and shut case about the link between COI and corruption levels, however.
By employing a comparative method that analyzes China’s increasing presence in dierent Latin America countries, this study explores key features and implications of Beijing’s approach towards this region. Colombia, Ecuador and Peru are used as case studies to evaluate China’s diplomatic rhetoric and the degree to which trade and investment realities live up to the goals proclaimed. Each of the countries examined seeks a more balanced relationship with external actors and recognizes China’s increased presence in the domestic political economy.
This paper draws on the two-level game approach to analyze the influence of domestic politics on U.S.-China trade disputes in alternative energy, especially in solar energy. It suggests that the difficulty Washington faces in getting China to address market access barriers in renewable energy needs to be viewed in light of both the coalitional dynamics in the U.S. resulting from the specific bilateral trade and investment relationship in this sector and Beijing’s willingness to use industrial policy to foster economic competitiveness in nascent industries.
In this presentation ("The Imperative of Paying Attention to the Politics of Chinese Outward Investment"), which was a keynote address given at the 8th China Goes Global conference in Shanghai in August 2014 , Dr. Jean-Marc F. Blanchard, founder and Executive Director of the Mr. & Mrs. S.H. Wong Center for the Study of Multinational Corporations, stresses the importance of paying attention to politics when studying Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI).
China acceded to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, but the past five years or so has witnessed analysts devoting greater attention to probing China’s fulfillment of its WTO obligations given the increasing availability of data and the end of China's phase-in periods for meetings some of its WTO commitments.
This article probes China’s admission to the World Trade Organization (WTO). China’s WTO accession deserves further analysis because much of the extant literature is divorced from the international relations (IR) literature. Moreover, while past analyses have considered external and internal factors shaping China’s stance towards joining the WTO, they have rarely gone beyond this to probing when particular variables mattered more.
China has earned a reputation for lax environmental standards that allegedly attract corporations more interested in profit than in moral responsibility and, consequently, further negate incentives to raise environmental standards. Surprisingly, Ka Zeng and Joshua Eastin find that international economic integration with nation-states that have stringent environmental regulations facilitates the diffusion of corporate environmental norms and standards to Chinese provinces.
